Specialisation: Bullying

How Is Bullying Behavior Associated With Household Dysfunction

I. Introduction

  • Background and Significance

According to recent statistics, bullying has become a widespread issue with a lot of negative impacts on youths. While individual risk factors are known, the role of the family requires more study to enhance prevention. This review seeks to understand how bullying behavior is associated with household dysfunction and all the contributory factors, including modifiable family contexts. This paper identifies knowledge gaps necessitating future exploration by systematically analyzing established literature on household dysfunction and bullying (Salter et al., 1981). Comprehensively addressing bullying necessitates considering family-level screening and support.

  • Purpose of the research

This study review aims to synthesize what is understood about household dysfunction’s relationship to bullying involvement by analyzing relevant empirical literature. The goal is to evaluate quantitative, qualitative, and theoretical research exploring links between family stressors and bullying roles (Moore et al., 2017). Understanding established associations and mechanisms could advance tailoring interventions appropriately. Identifying implications for practice surrounding assessment and multi-systemic services assists in creating bullying reduction strategies while addressing the underlying contributors (Moore et al., 2017).

  • Research questions and hypotheses

This paper is overarching question is: In what ways may bullying involvement connect to household dysfunction exposure? Based on prior findings, more excellent reports of domestic strife, like interparental violence, substance abuse, or instability, should positively correlate with heightened bullying perpetration risk (Moore et al., 2017). Theoretical frameworks may partially explain this hypothesized relationship by outlining the psychological and social processes affected. Exploring these topics clarifies unknowns and informs updated prevention applications.

II. Literature Review

  • Definition and types of bullying

Bullying entails intentional, repetitive harm against others, perceiving a power imbalance discouraging resistance (Moore et al., 2017). Common forms comprise verbal, physical, relational, and cyber aggression. Definitions evolved but center intentional harm recurrence over time, distinguishing bullying from normal conflict.

Considering subtypes separately matters as some, like relational bullying, disproportionately impact girls, warranting gender-sensitive prevention and link to unique risk factors versus physical bullying (Moore et al., 2017).

  • Household dysfunction manifestations

Dysfunctional family experiences can significantly disrupt child development by introducing high levels of toxic stress. Chronic exposure to conflict within the home, such as domestic violence, exposes children to traumatic stress that has long-lasting impacts (Turner et al., 2011). Beyond physical aggression, other stressors that have been extensively researched include parental mental illness, substance abuse, and family instability events like separation, divorce, or changing living situations (Salter et al., 1981).

These stressors carry the risk of stress-induced maladaptation during critical developmental periods. However, it is essential to disentangle each type of stressor’s unique effects to design targeted intervention approaches. For instance, interparental aggression versus parental substance misuse likely confers different patterns of maladaptive behaviors, cognitions, and emotions in children as they develop in response to these adverse experiences (Turner et al., 2011). Witnessing domestic violence may primarily influence views of relationships and affect regulation, whereas living with a substance-abusing parent could shape both interpersonal schemas and increase vulnerability to substance use disorders themselves.

Distinguishing the distinct downstream impacts is crucial so that family-focused prevention and treatment programs incorporate components specifically equipped to reverse the most problematic effects of each stressor (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021). A one-size-fits-all approach within interventions is unlikely to sufficiently mitigate all the risks varying family dysfunction poses across child development. Tailored programming allows resources to be applied strategically where most needed.

  • Studies linking bullying to household dysfunction

A growing body of research has found links between experiences of household dysfunction during childhood and increased likelihood of bullying behaviors later on. Several studies highlight these significant associations that could point to opportunities for prevention.

One such study examined Japanese youth aged 12-15. It found that those reporting four or more adverse family experiences in their history were over three times more likely to engage in bullying others compared to youth who faced fewer hardships at home. While cross-sectional, this suggests a strong relationship between multiple stressors at home and subsequent bullying perpetration.

Additionally, longitudinal research has reinforced these connections. One project found that when accounting for other influences, experiencing interparental violence or severe arguing between caregivers nearly doubled a child’s risk of bullying involvement later during school years (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021). Even after time had passed, unresolved family conflicts appeared to continue exerting influence.

While most evidence is based on single snapshot-in-time observations rather than long-term follow-up, these initial findings warrant further investigation. Suppose certain forms of household turbulence or dysfunction can truly impact children in ways leading to later bullying behaviors, which presents valuable opportunities for prevention by addressing modifiable family contexts and responses to adversity early on (Turner et al., 2011). With additional exploration, we can better support at-risk youth and their caregivers (Salter et al., 1981).

III. Theoretical Framework

  • Psychological theories

Specific theories shed light on how adverse experiences at home could influence a child’s development in ways that increase their risk of bullying others. Through social learning, children who witness aggression between caregivers may begin to see such behavior as a standard way to interact with and resolve conflicts with peers. Experiencing domestic trauma like intimate partner violence can also compromise a child’s ability to form secure attachments (Salter et al., 1981). Without stability and safety in close relationships, it becomes harder for youth to empathize with how their actions might affect others emotionally.

Disrupted nurturance and parenting during household strife or turbulence may further hinder the development of crucial emotional and behavioral regulation. When caregivers are distracted or overwhelmed by their issues, children do not receive the support to manage their feelings, impulses, and behaviors adaptively (Turner et al., 2011). This can lead to difficulty resolving conflicts non-violently. With underdeveloped socioemotional skills from a lack of consistent nurturing guidance during childhood, some youths need help to navigate social situations without resorting to aggression, intimidation, or harm. They have not had the opportunity to learn constructive ways of navigating disagreements and frustrations that bullying behaviors aim to resolve, even if only temporarily.

  • Social theories

Family systems theory provides insight into how disruption and conflict in the home can restructure crucial dynamics that build prosocial skills. During turmoil, parental roles may blur or shift as they cope with competing demands. This alters typical interaction patterns children rely on to learn communication, cooperation, empathy, and self-regulation through modeling healthy relationships (Turner et al., 2011). With stability, the development of these interpersonal abilities can be improved.

The family stress model also posits that high-stress levels deplete families’ coping resources over time (Conger et al., 2002). Caregivers facing their unresolved issues tend to parent in ways that enable externalizing behaviors as an outlet. When parental guidance is impaired or inconsistent due to stress, children lack protective factors promoting adaptive responses to challenges (Turner et al., 2011). Instead, maladaptive behaviors may emerge as perceived threats emerge in their social worlds. From this perspective, statistically significant links between household dysfunction indicators and later bullying could be partially explained as disrupted development leaves some youth without the socioemotional competencies or parenting able to constrain aggressive reactions to perceived dangers like peer conflicts. Both systems theory and family stress models rationally frame how disruptive experiences early in life relate to difficulty avoiding harming others through misconduct later on (Conger et al., 2002).

IV. Methodology

  • Research designs

To conduct a thorough review of the existing research, multiple methodological designs were included and systematically analyzed (McKay et al., 2022). Both quantitative and qualitative research provided crucial insights. Cross-sectional studies utilizing surveys offered a snapshot of potential associations between family factors and bullying. However, longitudinal designs following youth were also assessed to determine better causality versus correlation (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021). Retrospective interviews with older adolescents and adults about childhood experiences further strengthened inferences. Qualitative research approaches, including interviews and observations in various settings, complemented quantitative findings by enriching the understanding of dynamics and perspectives in a way numbers alone could not capture.

Maintaining rigor, inclusion, and exclusion criteria focused the search. Only peer-reviewed journal articles published in English in the past fifteen years were considered to ensure relevance and reliability. Key terms related to study topics were input into specified databases, and reference lists were scrutinized to pull all applicable literature (McKay et al., 2022). A complete picture of current evidence and explanations could be synthesized around how household dysfunction may impact bullying behaviors by casting a wide yet focused search net and critically analyzing the full spectrum of research designs.

  • Data collection

Most studies relied on validated self-report surveys to collect data from youth participants. Surveys commonly examined exposures to various family problems and challenges within the home environment through questionnaires administered online, on paper, or via structured interviews. Surveys also screened for direct experiences of perpetrating behaviors that harm or intimidate peers to assess bullying involvement. However, some research augmented the subjective survey data with objective records where applicable (McKay et al., 2022). For example, some studies cross-referenced official Child Protective Services reports or school disciplinary records with student self-disclosures to verify experiences. Additionally, interviews were conducted in specific qualitative investigations to provide fuller descriptions and contextualize circumstances, as surveys alone cannot capture the complex family and social dynamics at play (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021). By leveraging multiple data collection approaches across various methodologies, researchers aimed to paint the most well-rounded picture possible of these multifaceted issues and associations through cross-validation where feasible.

  • Analysis techniques

The studies employed various statistical analysis methods appropriate for the research questions and data collected. Descriptive analyses, such as frequency distributions and measures of central tendency, were first conducted to examine patterns in the sample populations. This paved the way for more sophisticated inferential techniques. Correlational analyses revealed the strength and direction of associations between family dysfunction indicators and bullying involvement variables. Regression models allowed researchers to control for confounding covariates like childhood adversities, socioeconomic factors, and mental health symptoms. This helped determine the independent predictive value of family-level stressors.

Qualitative investigations synthesized qualitative data to highlight contextual themes and examples that brought the statistics to life. Direct quotations and narratives exemplified everyday experiences and perspectives behind the numbers. Together with quantitative results, methodological triangulation created a more nuanced, multidimensional understanding of links between the complex personal and social dynamics at play. Rather than favoring one method alone, leveraging qualitative and quantitative approaches through systematic review processes offered complementary insights into these complex issues from all angles (McKay et al., 2022). This fostered a more decadent, supportive conclusion about dysfunctional family environments as a potential area for targeted prevention efforts.

V. Findings

  • Presentation

The findings presented considerable evidence of associations between household dysfunction and bullying perpetration. Patterns consistently emerged across numerous cross-sectional, longitudinal, and retrospective studies conducted in various international community and school samples (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021). Higher reported exposures and experiences of challenges within the home environment, such as domestic violence, parental mental illness, or substance abuse issues, correlated significantly with an increased likelihood of directly engaging in bullying behaviors that harmed peers. Interestingly, a clear graded exposure-response relationship was documented, where each additional type of adversity disclosed relating to family dysfunction incrementally boosted the statistical probability of bullying perpetration (Oshio et al., 2013). These relationships remained sizable and statistically robust even when researchers controlled for numerous potentially confounding sociodemographic and childhood trauma covariates. Thus, the accumulated results suggested that more significant dysfunction within the household correlated directly with heightened risk for bullying involvement in a cumulative, dose-dependent manner, as evidenced through multiple research investigations employing diverse methodological designs.

  • Statistical analyses

The statistical analyses shed essential light on specific significant relationships uncovered. Upon conducting more nuanced regression modeling, the strongest correlations and highest risk ratios consistently emerged between direct experiences of bullying perpetration and two particular household dysfunction factors. The first was repeated exposure to interparental violence or domestic abuse between caregivers over time within the home environment. The second was a cumulative effect, where the burden of multiple distinct adversities compounded the negative influence, according to risk ratios (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021). Youth reporting several distinct dysfunctional experiences, such as a combination of parental mental illness, substance abuse, and family instability, faced exponentially escalating risk ratios for bullying perpetration compared to those endorsing fewer household problems. This suggests harm accumulates in youth development when family dysfunction proliferates in number and diversity over the vital childhood and adolescent developmental periods.

  • Examples

Qualitative investigations provided poignant case illustrations that complemented statistical findings on human levels. In-depth interviews with incarcerated youth, for instance, commonly contained recollections of family histories fraught with domestic violence, substance abuse, and criminal activity within their households from early childhood onwards. These personal narratives lent context to the graded exposure-response relationships found quantitatively. Youth described how dysfunction escalated over developmental periods as the number and severity of risk factors compounded without support or safety nets.

Specific examples emerged of children internalizing trauma by normalizing violence or detaching emotionally as maladaptive coping (Turner et al., 2011). Over time, dysregulated emotions and behaviors surfaced that disrupted relationships and succeeded academically. Substance use and aggressive or delinquent acts ensued as perceived means of coping with the accumulation of unresolved adverse experiences originating within disrupted home lives. This qualitative research complemented quantitative results by corroborating how family dysfunction took a gradual, distorting toll on psycho-social-emotional development that ultimately manifested outwardly in harmful behaviors toward others.

The case studies further humanized the research by bringing faces and voices to the numbers. Behind statistics were real children growing up amid chaos, strife, and danger without stability (Turner et al., 2011). Their stories showed the nuanced, complex interplay between environment and development with heartbreaking clarity. This overall multi-method examination provided robust evidentiary support through both statistical analyses and contextual case illustrations to better understand family dysfunction’s influence on bullying behaviors.

VI. Discussion

  • Interpretation

The accumulated research presents a sound body of evidence linking experiences of household dysfunction during developmental periods to the heightened risk of later bullying involvement. Across diverse investigations, elevated exposures to adverse circumstances like domestic violence, parental mental illness, or substance abuse consistently correlated with escalating perpetration risk in a cumulative, dose-dependent manner. Underlying mechanisms shed light on this progression.

Through chronic stress accumulation, dysfunction appears to gradually erode nurturing family relationships and coping mechanisms that typically shield against externalizing behaviors. As the number and severity of stressors proliferate without adequate support, toxic stress takes its toll on emotional, behavioral, and social maturation in crucial phases (Oshio et al., 2013). Typical developmental tasks like forming secure attachments, adapting emotions, and resolving conflicts pro-socially face ever-growing impairment without stable or modeling healthy relationships (Salter et al., 1981).

Over long periods, this disruption to the stress response system and psychosocial learning leaves some youth without protective buffers against acting out aggressively. Conceptual frameworks, including family systems theory and family stress models, rationally frame plausible mediating pathways – how dysfunction disrupts interacting developmental processes over time to diminish constructs shown essential for avoiding harmful misconduct (Conger et al., 2002). Qualitative narratives corroborate that the accumulation of unresolved trauma transforms coping in maladaptive directions.

With resilience resources depleted through chronic unaddressed turbulence, lashing out externally at peers emerges as one distorted expression of deleterious internalization for vulnerable children (Turner et al., 2011). Statistical dose-dependency underscores this gradual erosion, while case studies humanize accumulated dysfunction’s distorting influence on lives. Together, the multi-method evidence substantiates household risk burdens magnifying distress that surfaces later as bullying perpetration through disrupted nurturance across maturation.

While causality requires further elucidation, initial evidence convincingly indicates that modifiable family contexts merit preventive attention. Screening and targeting interventions where dysfunction intersects with concentrated distress may curb evolution into corrosive behaviors if resilience is bolstered in a timely. From disrupted attachments to dysregulated coping, addressing origins holds promise to alter maladaptive trajectories by rebuilding derailed development stalked by cumulative adversity burdens (Salter et al., 1981). With additional investigation across diverse populations, a life course understanding will refine which family stressors most strongly forecast harm.

  • Explanation

Developmental theories shed light on how household dysfunction theoretically enables bullying perpetration over time through disrupted psychosocial maturation. When protective nurturance is frequently lacking due to caregiver stress, mental health issues, or substance abuse, it hinders the cultivation of empathy, emotion regulation, and self-control in children (Turner et al., 2011). These socioemotional skills rely on stable attachments and consistent modeling to form. Without them, harming others through aggression becomes more conceivable (Salter et al., 1981). Additionally, perpetual chaos and instability undermine opportunities for guidance. Impaired parenting leaves youth without protective monitoring and redirection when distressed, which could steer them toward healthier outlets.

Theoretical perspectives like social learning theory further explain pathways. Exposure to recurring conflict, violence, or criminal behaviors gradually normalizes such conduct through observational learning within the home (McKay et al., 2022). Over developmental periods without intervention, aggression progressively replaces prosocial strategies as a perceived means of coping with or resolving interpersonal conflicts. Especially within already overwhelmed families torn by complicated stress, children may subjugate personal distress in favor of lashing out or dominating others through fear and intimidation like witnessed at home (McKay et al., 2022). These potentially disrupted developmental mechanisms merit ongoing investigation but provide initial rationales for how household turbulence could enable bullying externalization.

  • Implications

The research carries notable implications for potentially curbing bullying perpetration trends through targeted preventive efforts. Findings indicate modifiable family-level adversities represent amenable risk factors when caught early through screening children exposed to household dysfunction (Turner et al., 2011). Intervening selectively with parenting programs, domestic violence counseling, and stability-focused wraparound services holds promise to safeguard developing youth before maladaptive trajectories vest. By discontinuing intergenerational transmission of trauma, multi-system collaboration can rebuild disrupted development toward healthier socioemotional outcomes.

Screening helps identify families requiring intensive assistance rebuilding stability, attachments, and coping skills diverted by unresolved turmoil. Partnering educators, pediatricians, and social services could systematically recognize accumulated dysfunction signs to promptly refer to the highest-risk families (McKay et al., 2022). Immersive interventions may disrupt established harm cycles by empowering nonviolent conflict resolution, emotion regulation modeling, and open communication, replacing maladaptive patterns. Addressing dysfunction origins preemptively aims to curb associated misconduct like bullying before established through concentrated, goal-directed therapies.

Follow-up evaluations demonstrate that parenting and relationship-focused programs successfully lower risks when tailored to family needs. Replacing chaos with tools supporting resilient navigation of inevitable stress improves long-term trajectories. Targeted domestic violence response intervenes as a primary source of dysfunction disruption as well. Combined, weaving clinical flexibility into multi-system cooperation strategically positions practitioners to identify troubled homes most suited for intensive assistance, tapering accumulated adversity burdens and jeopardizing healthy development (Oshio et al., 2013).

Effectively buffering enduring stress cascades means prioritizing stability alongside targeted skill-building. Coordinated aid advancing secure attachments through nurturing permanency bolsters therapeutic gains by cultivating empathy inherently (Salter et al., 1981). Family-based treatments factoring in household safety alongside individualized plans optimize disruption of conduct-enabling home lives. Addressing dysfunction roots through intensive services shows promise, requiring further innovation and outcome monitoring to refine approaches preventing escalation into social troubles impacting communities.

VII. Conclusion

  • Key findings

The comprehensive review finds substantial and compelling evidence unanimously linking experiences of household dysfunction and adversity during childhood and adolescence to significantly increased risk for directly engaging in intentional and harmful bullying behaviors toward peers. This association was consistent across many robust research methodologies, including cross-sectional, longitudinal, and retrospective studies in diverse cultural contexts. Statistical analyses repeatedly demonstrated a clear, graded exposure-response relationship wherein accumulating dysfunction compounding over developmental periods correlated directly with escalating bullying perpetration in a dose-dependent manner. These consistent and concerning findings point to modifiable family-level stressors as potential root causes warranting targeted preventative interventions.

  • Contributions

This systematic review makes an essential contribution by consolidating epidemiological evidence linking household dysfunction to heightened bullying perpetration risk into a cohesive developmental framework. It outlines theoretical mechanisms through which accumulated family adversities may disrupt the cultivation of socioemotional skills and distort interpersonal relationships in ways that enable harmful externalizing behaviors toward peers. This life course understanding suggests multi-system prevention efforts are needed to strengthen family dynamics and buffer children from toxic stress. By conceptualizing dysfunction’s gradual toll on psychosocial maturation, the review informs the need for ecological interventions centered on rebuilding stability, attachments, and coping resources within high-risk homes to curb intergenerational cycles of harm.

  • Limitations and future research

While established associations between household dysfunction and bullying risk have valuable policy implications, limitations remain regarding exploring specific adversity types and mechanisms in depth longitudinally. Further research is still needed utilizing large-scale prospective designs to examine how discrete dysfunctions like domestic violence uniquely influence development at different stages, as well as resilience factors mitigating these relationships. Randomized program evaluations implementing current theoretical understandings would also advance effective multi-system interventions. With continued diligence in investigating contributing social determinants and evidence-based solutions centered on strengthening families, the field can make meaningful progress on this critical issue impacting youth development, public health, and safety.

VIII. References

Conger, R. D., Wallace, L. E., Sun, Y., Simons, R. L., McLoyd, V. C., & Brody, G. H. (2002). Economic pressure in African American families: A replication and extension of the family stress model. Developmental psychology, 38(2), 179.

McKay, M. T., Kilmartin, L., Meagher, A., Cannon, M., Healy, C., & Clarke, M. C. (2022). A revised and extended systematic review and meta-analysis of the relationship between childhood adversity and adult psychiatric disorder. Journal of Psychiatric Research.

Moore, S. E., Norman, R. E., Suetani, S., Thomas, H. J., Sly, P. D., & Scott, J. G. (2017). Consequences of bullying victimization in childhood and adolescence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. World journal of psychiatry7(1), 60.

Oshio, T., Umeda, M., & Kawakami, N. (2013). Childhood adversity and adulthood subjective well-being: Evidence from Japan. Journal of Happiness Studies14, 843-860.

Pozzoli, T., & Gini, G. (2021). Longitudinal relations between students’ social status and their roles in bullying: The mediating role of self-perceived social status. Journal of School Violence20(1), 76-88.

Salter Ainsworth, M. D., & Bell, S. M. (1981). Attachment, exploration, and separation: Illustrated by one-year-olds’ behavior in a strange situation. In The Life Cycle: Readings in Human Development (pp. 57–71). Columbia University Press.

Turner, H. A., Vanderminden, J., Finkelhor, D., Hamby, S., & Shattuck, A. (2011). Disability and victimization in a national sample of children and youth. Child abuse & neglect, 87, 275-286.

Mental Health in Children and Adolescents

Did you know that mental health issues have increased rampantly in the past few years? Mental health is essential for children and adolescents because of its implications for people and society. Infants and adolescents develop most mental health difficulties while growing up, which may last a lifetime. These issues are growing globally, impacting 20% of children and adolescents. Mental health issues should be addressed with much caution since they affect the lives of young children and adolescents until they grow into adults. However, many therapies neglect the issue’s complexity and focus on individual solutions. Therefore, understanding the need to address mental health issues in children and adolescents through exploring different research from scholars such as Shah et al., Landstedt, Bortes, and Strandh is crucial.

To begin with, children’s and adolescents’ mental health impacts society. Mental health difficulties often begin in infancy or adolescence and may influence individuals and communities for life, according to the WHO. Several factors keep this age group with mental health concerns, such as academic stress and social pressures, which might worsen anxiety and depression. Also, family dysfunctions such as abuse and neglect may affect mental health. Again, stressful circumstances like violence or grief may also increase mental health issues. In addition, multiple mental health concerns are also inherited, according to studies. Despite its significance, children and adolescents, particularly low-income ones, seldom get mental health treatment due to a lack of social amenities or funds to pay for their medical expenses.

Notably, young people’s mental health issues are becoming a nationwide pandemic that requires prompt government intervention. According to Shah et al.’s 2022 Pediatric Research study, mental health problems are significant and need immediate attention. Again, the study shows how critical comprehensive responses are, which indicates that improved policies and prompt care are required for children’s mental health. Also, the research demonstrates the issue’s gravity. Without immediate action, politicians may fail to treat many young people, causing pain and harming their health (Shah et al. 1208). Therefore, the research makes a compelling case for the need for political action to solve the national crisis in child mental health.

Furthermore, mental problems in teenagers harm more than just their heads since they severely hinder academic performance. In BMC Psychiatry (2021), Landstedt, Bortes, and Strandh’s research found a difference in social performance among school-aged children with mental health. These issues have been shown to impact young people’s feelings and academic achievement. According to Landstedt et al. (2021), “social disparities have a significant impact on youth with mental disorders’ academic performance.” By comprehending this connection, we can see how assisting teenagers with mental health issues improves both their schooling and health (Landstedt et al. 9). Hence, without targeted action, educational disparities and the futures of these young people are in jeopardy.

Moreover, physical and virtual bullying harm children and teens’ mental health, highlighting the need for collaboration to stop it. Li, Chao, et al. studied the adverse effects of bullying on children in European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry (2022). “Traditional bullying and cyberbullying have been associated with significant mental health problems in children and adolescents” (Li et al. 10). Was this discovered? This shocking study indicates that offline and internet bullying harms vulnerable people’s emotions. Because bullying is so severe, a holistic mental health approach for children and teens must address in-person and online bullying. Without this, many young people’s suffering—who require a helpful and safe environment to grow socially and psychologically—is extended. Thus, all types of bullying must cease for young adults’ and teens mental health.

Nevertheless, different people argue that because families and schools need to address the mental health issues of teenagers and young adults, comprehensive legislation is not necessary. This counterargument claims that adequate mental health treatment is provided for children and teenagers by families and schools and that additional laws exacerbate the problem. While families and schools have a significant role in juvenile mental health, relying only on them ignores the complexity of the issue. Also, uneven care, bullying, and external pressures need a more comprehensive strategy. Laws have the power to fully address these issues and provide mental health treatment for all people, particularly those from low-income households.

Conclusively, a comprehensive strategy is necessary to address the numerous mental health issues that affect children and teenagers. Shah et al. advise passing legislation for this national catastrophe. Landstedt, Bortes, and Strandh demonstrate how mental health affects academic achievement. Li, Chao, et al. claim that there are significant ramifications for both offline and online bullying. Our children’s abilities and health are in jeopardy if we overlook these difficulties. Together, families, schools, and legislators can stop bullying and provide mental health services to everyone.

Annotated Bibliography

Landstedt, Evelina, Cristian Bortes, and Mattias Strandh “Is there a social gradient in how youth with mental disorders perform academically? Findings from a Swedish longitudinal register-based study” BMC Psychiatry 21.1 (2021): 1–12.

Mattias Strandh, Cristian Bortes, and Evelina Landstedt did the study, “Do kids from different social classes do worse or better in school when they have mental health problems?” A Swedish continuous register-based study published in BMC Psychiatry in 2021 examines the complex relationship between academic ability and adolescent mental health across socioeconomic gradients. To investigate how socioeconomic background affects juvenile cognitive health-related academic achievement, the study uses a sizable Swedish longitudinal dataset. Sweden is omitted; hence, the findings of this research are more relevant. The authors use continuous data instead of self-reported data to reduce bias and focus on creating individualized therapy for poor teens who are having mental health and school problems (Landstedt et al. 10). Legislators, educators, and medical professionals may find this trustworthy journal article helpful in improving the mental health and academic achievement of kids with mental health issues.

Li, Chao, et al., “Traditional bullying and cyberbullying in the digital age and its associated mental health problems in children and adolescents: a meta-analysis.” European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry (2022): 1–15.

The 2022 meta-analysis by Li, Chao, et al. examines the effects of TB and CB on children’s mental health. Both in tandem and alone, TB and CB modify bullying. Bullied individuals showed startling rates of anxiety, sadness, suicidal ideation, self-harm, and other mental health issues, which calls for improved bullying response and prevention (Li et al. 12). This meta-analysis of the journal on bullying and child mental health is trustworthy and up-to-date. It also encourages a comprehensive response to this significant public health issue.

Shah, Shetal I., and Pediatric Public Policy Council Shah Shetal 2 Patel Mona 3 Raphael Jean 3 Keller David 4 Chamberlain Lisa 4 Devaskar Sherin U. 5 Cheng Tina 5 Javier Joyce 6 Lee Lois 6. “Legislative remedies to mitigate the national emergency in pediatric mental health” Pediatric Research 92.5 (2022): 1207–1209.

The COVID-19 pandemic and children’s mental health are examined by Shah, Shetal I., and the Pediatric Public Policy Council in “Legislative Remedies to mitigate the national emergency in pediatric mental health,” published in Pediatric Research in 2022. The authors assert that the pandemic has made children’s mental health worse. They believe legislation is the only way to address this national tragedy (Shah et al. 1208). The condition strained the health care system, made children unhappy and worried, and made some mental health therapies more difficult. The authors recommend legislation to address the lack of money, mental health professionals, and treatment. This heartfelt editorial in a well-known publication encourages us to appreciate and safeguard the mental health of our country’s youth and to enforce regulations.

Works Cited

Landstedt, Evelina, Cristian Bortes, and Mattias Strandh “Is there a social gradient in how youth with mental disorders perform academically? Findings from a Swedish longitudinal register-based study” BMC Psychiatry 21.1 (2021): 1–12.

Li, Chao, et al., “Traditional bullying and cyberbullying in the digital age and its associated mental health problems in children and adolescents: a meta-analysis.” European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry (2022): 1–15.

Shah, Shetal I., and Pediatric Public Policy Council Shah Shetal 2 Patel Mona 3 Raphael Jean 3 Keller David 4 Chamberlain Lisa 4 Devaskar Sherin U. 5 Cheng Tina 5 Javier Joyce 6 Lee Lois 6. “Legislative remedies to mitigate the national emergency in pediatric mental health” Pediatric Research 92.5 (2022): 1207–1209.

Bullying and the Psychological Effect of Bullying

Bullying is a significant challenge among children, which carries well-known risks for society and the individual. Besides the immediate trauma like bullying, victims also experience a high likelihood of suffering emotional and physical disorders. Bullies cause their victims to experience trauma but are also affected by their participation in the act. Also, bystanders are significantly affected by bullying. Although most bullying cases happen in schools, it is the responsibility of pediatric clinicians to identify and help victims of bullying. They should be at the forefront to help schools and society implement anti-bullying measures. It is thus crucial to focus on the signs, symptoms, and risks of bullying to help identify and meet the needs of bullying victims.

Bullying leads to adverse long-term effects for both victims and bullies. According to Arseneault (2017), involvement in bullying causes significant health problems and poor psychosocial adjustment and hinders proper social and emotional adjustment. The probability of being diagnosed with a personality disorder during early adulthood is higher among individuals who have been victims of bullying as children. Victims tend to get more depressed, have frequent psychosomatic complaints, have suicidal thoughts, and use medication. Psychiatric diseases experienced by individuals exposed to bullying are usually anxiety disorders. Victims are also likely to experience poor self-esteem, abusive relationships, depression, and psychosis.

Perpetrators who acknowledge their actions tend to experience psychological distress and depression, unlike their counterparts who deny their actions. It is also worth noting that bullies dislike school and are likely to drop out. Therefore, bullies experience more social problems, externalizing behaviors, and aggression due to their actions. They often engage in harmful behavior, such as alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs. By early adulthood, bullies have an increased rate of criminal behavior and have problems with employment and stable romantic relationships. However, this cannot be compared to the amount of torture that bullies put their victims through. According to Zarate-Garza et al. (2017), some victims experience depression, poor relationships with their peers, weapon-carrying behavior, drug use, and loneliness. Bullying acts as their justification for bringing weapons to school. It is also important to note that more than two-thirds of school shooting perpetrators in the US were victims of bullying. Research shows that bullying leaves individuals with mixed feelings, which turn into anger against oneself. When bullied for a long time, they often begin blaming themselves. They begin to think of themselves as the cause of their misfortune, and such thoughts have long-term psychological effects.

It is thus justifiable to conclude that bullying and self-esteem are closely related. Low self–esteem leads to repeated victimization. According to a study in the US, maltreatment by other individuals impairs one’s self-esteem as time passes. Studies also reveal that children who face frequent victimization develop an aversion to their environment. In other words, they are more likely to develop a dislike for environments such as school if that is where they were victimized. According to a study in America, victimized children expressed more dislike for school than their counterparts who had not been victimized. Further studies in Australia revealed that victimized individuals are more prone to absenteeism than other children (Delprato et al., 2017). The more severe the victimization, the higher the rate of absenteeism.

Sex differences also play a crucial role in determining the psychological impacts of bullying. Various studies indicate a causal relationship between long-term adjustment and bullying at school. For example, in a survey done on more than 200 undergraduates in the US, individuals who were victimized at school expressed more loneliness compared to others (Baier et al., 2018). Statistics further reveal that men victimized at school usually fear intimacy, experience shyness, and have difficult relationships with the opposite sex.

The psychological distress associated with bullying leads to fear and chronic anxiety. According to a Swedish study called “whipping boys,” children victimized by their peers are significantly more insecure and anxious than others. Further studies reveal that children aged between 7 to 10 years are more likely to experience poor sleep and bed wetting. Such children also depict behaviors such as irritability, panicking, and nervousness (Baier et., 2018). They also experience recurring memories of their victimization and may find it difficult to concentrate. It is also important to note that such children may exhibit symptoms of clinical depression. A study in England also drew similar conclusions noting that frequently bullied children were more prone to depression than others. Parents and caregivers must realize that such children often have mixed reactions and may exhibit numerous distress symptoms. Therefore, emotions such as anger, self-pity, and vengefulness are common among victims.

There is also a close relationship between poor physical health and bullying. A study in England revealed that victimized children are likelier to experience ailments such as tummy aches and headaches. Bullying is also linked to coughs, colds, and sore throats. Although not many studies focus on the link between physical health and bullying, it is justifiable to conclude that victimized individuals are more likely to have more physical complaints than non-victims. In cases where bullying is conspicuously damaging and aggressive, it is likely for legal consequences to follow (Moore et al., 2017). Studies reveal that children identified as bullies at a young age are likely to face courts as delinquents. Other studies in the UK reveal similar results, thus indicating that bullying affects not only the victims but also the perpetrators. Bullying affects numerous children and forms the foundation for many physical, psychological, and psychosomatic effects. It is a common occurrence in schools across the globe. During their early years, children usually get to know who they are while developing their personalities. Therefore, when one is bullied at a young age, they can develop trouble trusting others, low self-esteem, and anger problems. Such individuals find it challenging to develop long-term relationships with their peers at an older age. Bullying makes individuals develop a poor self-image of themselves.

Thus, parents must spend more time with their children and be mindful of their online activities. Parents can create rules for their children’s internet use and screen time. Although it can be challenging to set such rules, it is essential to acknowledge that the rules help create a balance between healthy social time and participating in other activities. In addition, parents should encourage their children to engage positively with their peers. Such connections are necessary for their growth and development. Also, parents should ensure that they have open communication with their children in that children know that they can talk to their parents about anything.

Individuals can identify a time during which they were bullied and felt. Bullying happens in numerous spaces, including workplaces, schools, and, most recently, online. Advancement in technology has led to a significant increase in bullying. Cyberbullying entails being bullied through digital devices. It often happens through social media, text messages, and many other online platforms where people view and share content. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention statistics show that around 15 percent of high school students experienced online bullying in 2019 (Arseneault, 2017). The COVID-19 pandemic led to a significant rise in the rates of online bullying, as many people were working from home and relied on digital devices for connectivity. In just a few months, cyberbullying increased by more than 70%.

In conclusion, the effects of bullying have long-term negative impacts on individuals’ mental and overall health. Bullying can lead to harmful feelings such as isolation, rejection, low self-esteem, and, in some cases, anxiety and depression. Some cases of bullying can develop into post-traumatic stress disorder or acute stress disorder, depending on the severity of the bullying. Further research has revealed that being victimized can lead to long-lasting harmful impacts such as substance use, poor performance and social functioning, sexual violence, and frequent interpersonal violence. It is also crucial that even witnessing bullying, without necessarily being a victim, may have numerous harmful psychological impacts. Bullying is prevalent and affects individuals across the world. Its risks are also identifiable in practice. The impacts of bullying are both long-term and immediate. It is thus crucial to take all the necessary proactive measures to ensure that children do not suffer severe psychological problems due to bullying.


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Baier, D., Hong, J. S., Kliem, S., & Bergmann, M. C. (2018). Consequences of bullying on adolescents’ mental health in Germany: Comparing face-to-face bullying and cyberbullying. Journal of Child and Family Studies28(9), 2347-2357. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-018-1181-6

Delprato, M., Akyeampong, K., & Dunne, M. (2017). The impact of bullying on students’ learning in Latin America: A matching approach for 15 countries. International Journal of Educational Development52, 37-57. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2016.10.002

Moore, S. E., Norman, R. E., Suetani, S., Thomas, H. J., Sly, P. D., & Scott, J. G. (2017). Consequences of bullying victimization in childhood and adolescence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. World Journal of Psychiatry7(1), 60. https://doi.org/10.5498/wjp.v7.i1.60

Zarate-Garza, P. P., Biggs, B. K., Croarkin, P., Morath, B., Leffler, J., Cuellar-Barboza, A., & Tye, S. J. (2017). How well do we understand the long-term health implications of childhood bullying? Harvard Review of Psychiatry25(2), 89-95. https://doi.org/10.1097/hrp.0000000000000137